Merton (1957), "Manifest and Latent Functions"

In "Manifest and Latent Functions", Merton states that sociologists examine planned social practice to ascertain the latent functions. Only by studying both the anticipated and unintended consequences of a social practice, the prevailing pattern of practice could be explained. If the latent functions are removed from the practice, the pattern would be severely changed, as illustrated by Veblen in the pattern of conspicuous consumption.

The concept of manifest and latent functions in analyzing what we do is generally true in the world around us. There are always times that we find unexpected consequences which we do not intend when committing the act in all sorts of contexts. First, at a personal level, when we see an old lady getting on a crowded subway, we give our seats to her. Though our intention to give up the seat for her might be solely due to our sympathy and loving heart, hoping not to see the lady stand and squeeze with others with weak knees, there are certainly "latent" functions by giving up the seat. Others would praise us for our good deeds and we would gain a fulfilling sense of satisfaction from the compliments. A good image and impression of us could also be established, as helping the needy is socially desirable.

Extending to a societal level, examples of manifest and latent functions are also present. The manifest function of violent comics and video games is to provide a channel for venting anger and satisfying violent desires in a virtual world as a form of entertainment. However, the latent function could also be inducing imitation of violence in real life by the players. The Japanese stabbing rampage over the summer recently illustrates the idea of manifest and latent functions too. A man who was sick and tired of life went on a stabbing rampage in Tokyo intending to express frustration towards life. But unrecognized consequences came up as he set an example encouraging imitation- another Japanese woman went on a stabbing spree a month later and Japanese police had been discovering people threatening to commit similar random murders on the Internet. In Freakonomics, Levitt's theory on the legalization of abortion bringing a drastic crime drop, though controversial, further exemplifies the manifest and latent functions. While the manifest function of legalizing abortion was to assure women's rights to decide whether to terminate their pregnancies or not, the latent consequence of crime drop came out as mothers without ability to support the rearing of a child could now decide not to have the child. For these mothers, they have a limited access to sufficient resources to raise their children, such as provision of education, making the kids more vulnerable to hardships in life and engagement in criminal activities.

From the above examples, it can be concluded that latent functions are not necessarily desirable. But when the unintended consequence is discovered to be desirable, the distinction between manifest and latent functions starts to become obscure. Take the pattern of conspicuous consumption in the reading as an example: its latent function "results in a heightening or reaffirmation of social status". As time goes, this latent function would become generally recognized in the society. Then, this "unintended" consequence which has gained familiarity would provide a new incentive for people to commit the act, which in turn becomes a planned consequence and by definition, a manifest function.

In readings such as Berger's, we learnt that the work of sociologists is to debunk what seems natural and obvious is actually social construction. Now in Merton's view, the unfamiliar and unintended latent functions belong to the layer under those which are generally accepted as obvious, and they await us to be debunked.